mongster's nest

- disturbing fantasies, traumatic verses, definitely mongrel thoughts

 

Survey says

Opinion polls are indispensable in the consumer industry. Poll firms conduct several studies on consumer behavior which guide companies in adopting appropriate strategies to increase sales. Market studies are used by advertising firms to inform clients how to get the public to buy their products.

Opinion polls are also important in Philippine politics. During elections, reputable survey firms are ranked with major TV networks as among the most influential actors in the political arena. Some politicians even want to ban election surveys which they think are indirectly influencing public opinion. This is not altogether an imprecise assertion. Many Filipinos prefer to vote the winning candidates. If they think their preferred leader will lose, they sometimes end up voting the inferior but more popular candidate.

It is not only during election time that survey firms become controversial. Last year, the government questioned survey results which showed the peoples’ dissatisfaction with President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Surveys also revealed that the president was perceived by many people to be the most corrupt leader of the country. Self-rated poverty and hunger surveys were also not agreeable to the administration. As expected, the unpleasant survey results were used by the opposition to malign the president.

Surveys are helpful to understand consumer behavior and public opinion. But they can also be misleading and they can be easily used for contemptible purposes. Survey data can be wrongfully interpreted to suit the selfish interests of scrupulous individuals or groups.

Survey results should not be accepted as gospel truth. There are proposed rules for reading surveys. These rules can guide the public to make reasonable interpretation of survey data. Four years ago, political analyst Billy Esposo emailed an article (“The 7 Rules for Reading Surveys”) which I believe is still relevant today.

1. “Check who's conducting the survey.” The Social Weather Station, Ibon Foundation and Pulse Asia are the major polling firms. Remember the name of the poll agency which predicted the landslide victory of presidential candidate Jose De Venecia in 1998?

2. “Check who's sponsoring the survey.” Political surveys are usually commissioned by third parties. Last year, it was revealed that an opposition leader financed a survey whose results proved damaging to the credibility of President Arroyo. In every survey, we must determine the sponsors whether they are allies of Malacañang, the opposition, or media companies. Sometimes, this can clarify the extent of partisanship of a particular study.

3. “Surveys are snapshots of opinion.” People always change their opinions. The same question may yield different results at different times. Raul Roco was the survey frontrunner in 2003; then Fernando Poe Jr. topped the surveys in early 2004; but exit polls showed President Arroyo as the winner in the race. Before the campaign period, surveys showed that Mar Roxas was outside the winning circle in the senate race. On election day, he was already the top candidate.

4. “Sampling matters.” This is a technical matter. Let me quote a portion of the article:

“The only reliable surveys use a sampling method known as stratified, random sampling. Respondents to the survey are typically drawn randomly from all socioeconomic classes and all regions. For an (election) survey to make any sense, all respondents should be aged 18 and above and be registered voters. All respondents are given face-to-face interviews. Some, if not all, may have been interviewed over the phone. It should be noted that random samples allow for inferential statistics; that is, a pollster may make a projection from the data to cover the entire population. Non-scientific samples allow for only descriptive statistics; that is, they only describe the opinion or behavior of the survey group.”

5. “Margins of error.” Survey results have a margin of error. It is usually plus/minus 3 percent. A candidate with a 2 percent lead over his/her closest rival is still not safe if the margin of error is considered. Partylist survey results are the most unreliable since the margin of error is higher than the required 2 percent vote to clinch a representation in Congress.

6. “Make sure the survey is real.” Desperate candidates can fabricate survey results. Political operators can feed false survey data to naïve media reporters.

7. “What was the question again?” Survey results are important; but it is crucial to know the survey question. The client can suggest a survey question which may confuse respondents or generate ambiguous results. For example, if asked whether I believe Arroyo must resign, I will answer in the affirmative. But if asked whether Arroyo will resign, my answer will be different. If most people answered the second question similarly, spin doctors in the media can interpret it as proof of support for Arroyo. Knowing the survey question can partly explain why the survey produced such a result.

Not all survey results are accurate. Exit polls showed Arroyo as the winner in Luzon in the 2004 elections. But actual election results showed Fernando Poe Jr. as the winner in nearly all provinces and cities of Luzon.

Politicians agree with surveys whose results are beneficial to them. If the results are damaging to their reputation, they will find something wrong with the survey outfit. Last year, Malacañang dismissed hunger and poverty surveys. Recently, when the same survey topics showed a decrease in hunger and poverty incidences in the country, Malacañang quickly used the results to prove that its economic programs are working.

Opinion polls, like media organizations, are messengers of different versions of truth. They are not neutral entities in the political world. Politicians, businessmen and interest groups can finance surveys on topics which are important to them. The public should continue engaging the poll firms to focus on social issues which are overlooked by dominant political players in society.

“A science without a scientist”

Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu tackles opinion polls in his book, “In Other Words: Essays Towards a Reflexive Sociology”.

In his sociological analysis of opinion polls, he describes it as “a science without a scientist.”
It is a “made-to-measure science, a science without those hypotheses that are easily seen as presuppositions or even prejudices.”

Bourdieu thinks that market surveys, on certain conditions, “provide us with information of the highest value, often superior to that given us by more pretentious questionings of semi-scientists.”

But the philosopher asserts that surveys “will measure at least one thing, but not what people think they are measuring; in other cases, it will measure nothing but the effect exercised by the measuring instrument: this is the case every time the pollster imposes on those polled a problematic which isn’t theirs.”

Related to the issue of pollsters imposing questions not posed by them, Bourdieu observes “it is easier to get clients to finance questions which are in their opinion of direct interest to them than questions meant to provide information indispensable for the explanation of the answers.”

Clients who commission surveys may not be interested with probing the roots of a social problem. They want just quick-fix answers to questions which they think are relevant to them.

Bourdieu describes people who propose explanations for survey results “which go far beyond the limits incorporated in the system of explanatory factors” as “Doxosophists.” In the Philippines, there are too many “Doxosophists.”

Bourdieu believes the most important information in opinion polls resides in the number of “don’t knows” or abstention. They are the “floating voters” or the “flaw of democracy”. Poll firms try to minimize or even conceal the number of abstentions.

Bourdieu notes that women and the culturally, economically deprived comprise the biggest bloc of abstaining voters. Bourdieu proposes that “science must analyze the social and economic conditions which determine political competence and the effects it produces, in a political life based on the ignorance of this inequality.”

Bourdieu reminds the public that “simple truths cannot do justice to complex problems.” This is a good piece of advice, especially for those who remain content with survey data rather than strive to seek deeper answers to real problems of society.

Related entries:

Estimating crowds
Numbers and politics
Don’t shoot the messenger

posted by: mongpalatino at January 27, 2008 00:15 | link | comments |
media

Message sent

Early campaigning for 2010 polls, my article for Global Voices.

I wrote this article in 2005 after I attended protest activities in Hong Kong during the WTO ministerial meeting.

Years from now, the world will remember the sixth ministerial conference of the World Trade Organization in Hong Kong for two things: First, the daring protests of South Koreans. Second, the signing of a vague agreement which obliges developed countries, among other things, to remove their agricultural subsidies by year 2013.

On the other hand, for those who were part of the weeklong protest activities in Victoria Park, WTO-MC6 will be remembered as a sterling example of people’s resistance against imperialism, or what they call today as globalization.

Those who converged in HK were not just snooty trade ministers or corrupt government officials. Outside the HK Convention Center was a motley assembly of people who dislike the idea of turning every human activity into a commodity.

Yes, there were many farmers and workers who marched in the streets of HK. After all, they suffered the most under the WTO regime. But they were not alone in the clamor for the removal of the WTO. They were joined by students, environmentalists, women activists, artists, religious workers, educators and the list goes on.

The protesters were not only demanding better trade policies. They were condemning the attitude of many countries and companies to prioritize profit over people’s welfare. This explains the diverse background of the many groups who came to HK.

Among the interesting consumer groups which provided a refreshing example why the people must resist WTO policies is the Txtpower, a pioneer of mobile activism in the Philippines.

Txtpower enjoined representatives of other countries to share stories of how unfair free trade policies are killing industries and communities. More importantly, Txtpower provided a venue for young activists to discuss how new technologies, particularly mobile phones, can be harnessed as a tool for popular struggles.

This theme of “narrating oppression-brainstorming resistance” is echoed throughout the week in every forum, conference, rally and assembly. Whether it’s a peasant tribunal, youth march or indigenous people’s forum, delegates were not just recounting the sad plight of their people but also their secrets in defeating local enemies.

We were enraged that Sri Lanka wants to privatize its colleges but we were inspired by the brave campaign of students who are opposing this policy. We were appalled that Burma is still controlled by a military junta but hope is alive as long as the struggle for democracy continues in and out of Burma’s borders.

For one week, HK became both a site for exposition of the sins of WTO and a training ground to enhance strategies against rapacious corporate vultures and fascist governments.

No wonder the WTO and HK police became panicky and violent in the last days of the MC6. The people’s protests were getting louder, more organized and innovative.

While the WTO is guilty of destroying the lives of millions of people around the globe, it is also responsible for gathering the widest assembly of rational thinkers and peace lovers who want people to be the center of development planning in each country.

The most significant agreement signed during the WTO-MC6 was sealed in the streets of HK where people of every color, race, language and class forged solidarities against a common enemy. This was the most important message in the WTO-MC6.

Years from now, when we are already victorious, we will recall the events which transpired in HK. We will remember the first steps we took in preventing the commodification of our lives and the fight to make another world possible.

Related entries:

Nannies in HK
Hong Kong trap
Txtpower

posted by: mongpalatino at January 22, 2008 08:38 | link | comments (1) |
media

Texting as an activist tool

Texting first became popular in the Philippines during the late 1990s when Joseph Estrada was the president of the country. Filipino cell phone users, maximizing the free texting service offered by phone companies, began sending text jokes about the incompetence of Estrada. This proved effective in undermining the credibility of the former president.
Text jokes were subsequently used as a creative form of protest against other notorious public figures, especially politicians. People continued to use texting to express their disenchantment with the policies of the government.

Seven years ago, the historic uprising in Edsa Street which came to be known as People Power II eventually led to the downfall of Estrada. For the first time in Philippine history, texting was recognized as a vital tool for political mobilization. Four days of gatherings, both spontaneous and organized, brought hundreds of thousands of people to Edsa, facilitated by texting.

A few months after People Power II, phone companies announced a plan to charge a fee for every text message sent by cell phone users. This angered Filipino texters. The consumer group Txtpower called for a one-day text boycott in protest to the decision of phone companies. The boycott campaign forced the mobile phone firms to delay their plan.

On August 2004, the government wanted to impose a tax on texting to increase revenues. This could have meant an additional cost for mobile phone subscribers. The group Txtpower enjoined Filipino texters to bombard the Speaker of the House of Representatives with a text message opposing the proposed tax on texting. After a few days, Congress was forced to abandon the proposed measure.

Recently, a government minister revived this proposal to solve the country's fiscal deficit. A texters' revolt was launched to defeat the new tax measure. Like in 2004, the government backtracked on its plan after consumers sent angry text messages to government officials.

In June 2005, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was accused of rigging the presidential election results. An audio recording which allegedly contained conversations between the president and an election officer was released to the public. Txtpower transformed the recording into a cell phone ringtone and uploaded it on the Internet. Hundreds of thousands of cell phone owners and Internet users downloaded the ringtone and made it one of the most popular hits in the Philippines that year. For the first time, a cell phone ringtone was recognized as a protest tool.

The threat of a texters' revolt is forcing cell phone companies to lower text service fees. They have been offering unlimited texting services in response to the clamor for a more affordable and reasonable texting rate. They have not been increasing text rates since government regulators are reluctant to approve higher rates which could enrage the 55 million cell phone subscribers in the Philippines.

Why are cell phones and texting effective and popular tools for social and political mobilization in the Philippines?

The majority of Filipino mobile phone users are familiar with the texting service. There are more cell phone users in the Philippines than landline owners. Texting is convenient to use since it is accessible, less expensive and it can instantly reach an audience of more than 50 million cell phone subscribers.

Texting is already the standard mode of communication among Filipinos. It is widely used even in the remote countryside to connect and reconnect with family and friends. Overseas Filipino workers, now numbering more than 8 million, use texting to maintain close relationships with their loved ones back home.

Political parties, civil society organizations and other non-state actors are using cell phones to spread political messages and sometimes even to organize protest assemblies. Texting facilitates quick dissemination of political activities. Texting is used to improve coordination among political groups.

Political forces seek to mobilize millions of subscribers through virtual campaigns which could range from the sending of text messages, downloading of political ringtones, and forwarding of subversive text quotes. It may be impossible to gather more than 50 million cell phone users in the streets but it is easy to persuade ordinary citizens to send political text messages to their friends.

The great number of anonymous prepaid cell phone users is emboldening citizens to express their true political sentiments. A majority of cell phone owners in the country are availing themselves of the prepaid service since this is cheaper. This also allows political groups and disgruntled citizens, fearful of government reprisals, to send daring political messages through texting, without the risk of revealing their identities.

Another important factor which contributes to the popularity of texting is the relative absence of censorship governing Internet usage and mobile communications in the Philippines. The cheap mobile technology and the freedom enjoyed by Filipino cell phone users enhance the opportunities to use the phones for political activities.

A drawback to the immense popularity of texting as a viable political tool is the persistent recommendation of the government for a mandatory registration of all mobile phone users. Consumer groups believe the proposed registration may hamper the freedom of expression and the right to organize in the country. So far, this proposal is not yet implemented but it remains one of the anti-crime and anti-terror solutions of the government.

Fortunately, the Philippine government is impotent in countering the organizing possibilities of new media tools. Politicians have threatened to arrest malicious texters who send subversive jokes but political text messaging remains acerbic and effective in the country. No texter has been jailed for insulting the president.

Filipino activist groups insist that cell phones are tools to be maximized to deliver messages to the people. Political mobilization will be successful if it is pursued through painstaking grassroots-building and person-to-person interaction. People who use the technology, not the technology alone, are the most important factor in developing political campaigns.

Related entries:

Txtpower
PC games, schools, GMA
Cybercampaigning

posted by: mongpalatino at January 21, 2008 17:14 | link | comments (1) |
media

Seven years

Attend the Bloggers Kapihan on Saturday. Click here for more details.

Many people wanted President Cory Aquino to stand for re-election but she has chosen to step down after six years in power. President Fidel Ramos wanted to extend his term but failed to amend the Constitution on time. President Joseph Estrada “dropped out” after three years of partying in Malacanang. President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo can boast to her predecessors that she has managed to stay in power for seven years already.

The framers of the 1987 Constitution wanted to prevent overstaying presidents of the republic. They hoped that an authoritarian leader like President Ferdinand Marcos will be the last in the country’s history. They decided that a president should only rule for six years and he/she is barred from seeking re-election.

But the framers of the Constitution did not anticipate People Power II and Gloria Arroyo. And so we have a president who has ruled the country for more than six years already. Arroyo is even poised to remain in power until 2010.

Arroyo’s presidency may be described as the “golden decade” or “lost decade” for the Philippines. It depends whether you are a diehard Arroyo fan or a consistent Arroyo critic. History and the people will be the judge in the end.

Seven virtues

Many people often forget that one reason why Arroyo is acceptable to the ruling establishment is because she is one of them. She was the daughter of a former president, educated in the United States, and she married a scion of a landed gentry. Arroyo belongs to one of the two hundred families which control Philippine society.

Arroyo is often looked down (literally) because of her diminutive stature. But this is her source of strength. If Estrada’s carabao English endeared him to the masa, Arroyo was often comparing herself with superstar Nora Aunor. During the 1995 senate elections, Arroyo topped the contest by flaunting her similar physical traits with the movie star.

Arroyo is one tough politician. She proved her resilience by surviving numerous embarrassing scandals involving her administration. She survived despite the resignation of 10 of her 41 Cabinet members in 2005. Disgruntled soldiers tried to launch several coups but Arroyo is still the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. Opposition groups attempted to impeach Arroyo but they failed. Arroyo is always ahead of her enemies like Miranda Priestly of the movie “The Devil Wears Prada.”

Arroyo employs the most skilful and cunning political operators that money can buy. Arroyo’s political advisers have shielded her from one crisis after another. They have outmanoeuvred the opposition several times.

Arroyo’s work ethics and micromanagement type of leadership are often praised. During Cabinet meetings, Arroyo is always prepared. She does her homework well by scrutinizing reports and target goals submitted by government agencies. She loses her temper every time a subordinate is unable to answer her query. But sometimes micromanaging is not good for the country. Remember the 13 calls received by a certain “Garci” during the 2004 polls?

Arroyo admits she is a bad politician. But Arroyo also claims that she is focused on her job. She wants to be known for her economic projects. She is in love with her work. She once said she is married to the country. Arroyo’s intense preoccupation with her work may be the reason why she seemed impervious to low public trust ratings. Arroyo is able to ignore the negative public opinion since her work demands her complete attention.

Arroyo is a unique public servant. She will be remembered as the most unpopular Philippine president, worst violator of human rights, and most corrupt leader yet she will still insist that she is the only one qualified to lead the country.

Arroyo’s political shrewdness is often talked about. Perhaps she inherited it from her father. But her father lost in his re-election bid. Arroyo’s political instincts are better than her father. Arroyo supports the winning candidates in the local polls. She knows where to get the most number of votes in the provinces. She will visit a child rapist, grant pardon to her main political foe, negotiate with foreign terrorists and violate the Constitution as long as these decisions will contribute to her political fortunes. Arroyo, not Jose De Venecia, is the quintessential trapo in modern Philippine history.

Often overlooked but very crucial in her political career is Arroyo’s proficiency in different languages. Arroyo speaks Filipino, Tagalog, and English when addressing the press. Recently, she revealed her knowledge of the Spanish language. Arroyo knows how to speak Kapampapangan since her father hails from Pampanga. But she grew up in Iligan which explains her ability to speak in Bisaya. Arroyo has the gift to converse with ordinary folks from different regions of the country. This skill is useful for politicians who want to cultivate an image of being a leader for the common tao.

Seven sins

Activist youth groups have accused Arroyo of committing seven sins against the Filipino people. The seven sins are the following: plunder, state terrorism, corruption and bribery, poverty and hunger, puppetry, electoral fraud and bleak future of the youth.

After Estrada was convicted for plunder last year, the opposition warned that Arroyo will suffer the same fate in the future. Arroyo has a lot of explaining to do once she becomes a plain citizen again in 2010. Arroyo’s successor can probe her family’s unexplained wealth and secret bank accounts. Jose Pidal will haunt the Arroyos in the future.

Arroyo made the Reserve Officer Training Corps an optional subject for college students. This is commendable. But Arroyo pampered the military too much that there are many people who believe that there is a de facto martial law in the country. Arroyo protected and promoted military officers accused of committing human rights violations. Arroyo used the strong arm of the state to quell legitimate dissent. Rallies were banned in Mendiola and other historic freedom parks. Activists and communists are labelled destabilizers, terrorists, and enemies of the state. Filipinos are once again familiar with extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, torture, military checkpoints and troop deployment in urban areas.

The opposition blames Arroyo for corrupting almost all democratic institutions in the country. Nearly all agencies were politicized or were made to serve the partisan interests of the Arroyo clique. Public welfare was replaced by Arroyo’s need to survive in Malacanang.

There is no shortage of corruption and bribery scandals in the Arroyo administration. Rigged bidding procedures, anomalous contracts, overpriced projects, bribery cases, and illegal pork barrel distribution are rampant today. The Philippines ranks high among countries with high incidences of petty and grand briberies.

Arroyo is a proud economist. Like Ramos, she believes a strong economy is her lasting gift to the Filipino people. Indeed, macroeconomic fundamentals are strong. The peso is surging, revenues are high, fiscal situation is stable. But the key words here are trickle-down effect and sustainability. How long can the strong economy manage to sustain its momentum? Is economic progress really achievable in the near future? Most importantly, do people actually believe, feel, and enjoy the supposed gains of the economy? If the economy is maturing, why do people still leave the country?

Government statistics reveal that income gap of the rich and poor is widening. Poverty reduction measures are in place but hunger is still a problem in the country. Child malnourishment in the countryside is alarming. Cash crops are prioritized over food requirements of the people.

Arroyo is a major ally (read: puppet) of foreign powers who have special interests in the country. Temporary US military facilities are established in different parts of the archipelago. Multinational companies have strong lobby presence inside Congress. Arroyo is enticing foreigners to exploit the country’s finite natural resources. The government signed a deal which could lead to the dumping of Japan’s toxic waste in the country’s shores.

Arroyo is accused of manipulating the 2004 and 2007 election results. Dagdag-bawas is already a science today. Numerous “clerical errors” took place in the last elections. During Arroyo’s term, the credibility of the Commission on Elections has sunk to the lowest levels.

Young people are leaving the country in droves. Children are committing suicide. Students have bleak prospects. New graduates have no jobs. An alarming level of cynicism and hopelessness afflict the youth. Arroyo’s “morally-bankrupt” leadership has discouraged many young people to disengage from political action.

Arroyo said she wants to leave a good legacy before ending her term. The president should act fast. Time is not on her side.

Related entries:

Arroyo is not Machiavelli
A series of unbelievable events: 2007 elections
SONA over the years
Youth apathy

posted by: mongpalatino at January 17, 2008 19:26 | link | comments |
nation

Labor education

New pictures in my photoblog. UPI-Asia has a new look. Don’t forget my Peripheries column. Attend Bloggers Kapihan 3.0 on January 19, Kape Tasyo (Freedom Bar), 2pm: Remember People Power II


Over the past few years, the government has entertained proposals to teach computer literacy, reproductive health, human rights and environmental protection in schools. These topics are relevant to the education of students. The present and succeeding generations need to be equipped with life-skills and knowledge to survive the 21st century. Workers also need to learn new skills to adapt to the changing technologies in the workplace. The government is obliged to empower its young citizens who stand to inherit a very unstable social system.

There is another topic worth including in the school curriculum: workers’ rights.

Employers often complain that schools are producing graduates with deficient working skills. Most of the time, they succeed in convincing policymakers to overhaul education policies in favor of their business interests.

That many new graduates lack the necessary training to become competitive in the real world is not being denied. There are young educated people who really need to improve their reading and writing skills. But we often highlight the deteriorating English proficiency of the youth. We should also ask whether college graduates are informed of labor laws. We should probe whether young workers are ready to defend their rights as workers.

Are students adequately informed of the country’s labor laws, tax policies, and industry trends? Do they know how to seek redress from unfair labor practices? Are they prepared to assert minimum work safety standards?

Labor unions have traditionally spearheaded the education of workers regarding their basic rights in the workplace. Collective Bargaining Agreements are vital in uplifting workers’ conditions in factories and offices. Over the past years, labor unions confronted several challenges related to the efforts of government to undermine their organizing power. The contractualization of the economy diminished the number of workers belonging to a union. The rise of the service sector produced a new breed of young professionals with little or no sense of collective solidarity.

Who are protecting the interests of these non-unionized workers? Who are teaching them how to advance their welfare in the workplace?

These days, it is common to hear stories of union busting, forced retrenchment, involuntary retirement program, sexual harassment and other unfair labor practices. Tenured employees are asked to resign in order to be hired again as contractuals in the same company. Workers are discouraged to form unions.

The plight of workers in the business process outsourcing industry should be reviewed by the government. Hundreds of thousands of educated youth are working as call center agents today. Are there unions inside call center companies? Is it true that applicants are not hired if they are in favor of establishing unions in offices?

Call center employees have financially-rewarding jobs. They receive attractive wage compensations, benefits, and other hefty bonuses. But this is no reason to cease from demanding better labor conditions. Call center workers are vulnerable to various illnesses, especially those who work in the graveyard shift. Ideally, unions can help bargain for better working benefits and contracts.

Young workers are often discriminated in the workplace. Many are subjected to different forms of harassment in offices. Most of the time, young workers do not complain for fear of losing their jobs. Docility can also be traced to the youth’s ignorance of labor laws.

Schools have a special role to teach students how to differentiate just and unjust labor practices. At a time when organized labor is under attack, future workers should be taught how to deal with abusive employers.

We often show our concern about the working conditions of overseas workers. We condemn foreign employers who maltreat our kababayans. But when was the last time we checked the well-being of our young workers who decided to remain in the country?

Labor conventions

As of June 2003, the International Labor Organization has adopted over 180 conventions and 190 recommendations that seek to promote better labor conditions in the world. These treaties are subject to the ratification of ILO member states. More than 7,000 ratifications have been registered already.

The Philippines has ratified more than 20 ILO conventions; most of them are the fundamental treaties identified by the ILO like the Forced Labor Convention and Worst Forms of Child Labor Convention.

Each member state is required by the ILO to send periodic reports on how it implements the conventions it has already ratified. The government also sends copies to workers’ and employers’ groups. The ILO encourages groups to submit their own reports, especially if they want to contest the labor policies of their governments.

How is the Philippines implementing the conventions it has already ratified? Are there other ILO conventions that need to be ratified today?

The government should review compliance with Convention 87 (Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise, 1948) and Convention 98 (Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining, 1949). These particular conventions are relevant for the upholding of rights of workers.

The Social Security Convention for Seafarers was signed in 1987. The Philippines ratified this convention in 2004 but it lacks an enabling law to implement the provisions of the convention that will benefit the seafarers.

Labor groups are urging the government to prioritize the ratification of Convention 135 (Workers' Representatives in Governance, 1971), Convention 151 (Labor Relations in Public Service, 1978), Convention 154 (Collective Bargaining, 1981), Convention 177 (Home Work, 1996) and Convention 187 (Promotional Framework for Occupational Safety and Health, 2006).

The Home Work Convention was signed in 1996. Ratification of this labor convention will benefit millions of informal workers in the country.

Other ILO conventions which could immediately benefit the youth should be considered by Congress for ratification. These are the following: Convention 78 (Medical Examination of Young Persons, 1946); Convention 106 (Weekly Rest - Commerce and Offices, 1957); Convention 130 (Medical Care and Sickness Benefits, 1969); Convention 131 (Minimum Wage Fixing Convention, 1970); Convention 140 (Paid Educational Leave, 1974); Convention 142 (Human Resources Development Convention, 1975); Convention 168 (Employment Promotion and Protection against Unemployment Convention, 1988); and Convention 171 (Night Work Convention, 1990).

Related entries:

Education and labor mismatch
Call centers: boon or bane?
Cavite EPZA


****************************

Written by a colleague from Yehey!

Labor pains
Daniel Martinez

During her Labor Day speech, President Gloria Arroyo boasted that only one labor strike incident took place last year. Is this figure accurate? Is there really an ‘industrial peace’? I checked with the Center for Trade Union and Human Rights (CTUHR), a non-government organization, and I learned that the President was misinformed. The CTUHR is handling more than one labor strike case. In fact, it has documented 130 incidents and 220 cases of human rights violations in the workforce last year. The President should visit industrial enclaves in Southern Tagalog to see for herself the picketlines outside factories.

The President should be briefed of the various ways on how workers’ rights are undermined. To cite a few, CTUHR identifies union busting, assumption of jurisdiction and administrative intervention for dispute avoidance as legal shortcuts to prevent workers from exercising their right to strike. The Department of Labor and Employment is accused of sidestepping workers’ welfare in favor of big companies, especially those who are friendly (read: campaign contributors) to Malacanang.

The CTUHR blames the government of inaction on the 24 cases of extra-judicial killings involving 33 workers. More than 40 workers were abducted last year. Labor icon Crispin Beltran has been detained for two years already.

Even the blind can attest that our country is not exactly a workers’ paradise. We were no longer surprised when Wal-Mart and other US companies lobbied with their government to remind Philippine authorities to respect workers’ rights. It took foreigners to make some of us notice that workers are deprived of their basic rights.

In France, young workers paralyzed the cities when they protested a labor law which would give employers more legal freedom to remove workers from their companies. The French believed the law was an assault against their human dignity. In the Philippines, that law has been an accepted labor practice for more than a decade already.

Have we been desensitized by the crimes committed against humanity? Have we lost the righteousness to speak against evil since we are overwhelmed with too many injustices we see everyday? Have we accepted the pauperization of workers as the natural order of things?

The government and influential economists continue to oppose the passage of a law which would increase the minimum wage in the country. Instead, President Arroyo vows to give non-wage benefits. Tax exemption is promised to minimum wage earners as long as Administration candidates will win in the elections.

Senator Ralph Recto wants to punish employers which do not comply with the minimum wage law. Senator Manny Villar wants to see more harmony in the workplace through a win-win solution which would balance the interests of workers and employers. Rep. Alan Cayetano dares Malacanang to call for a special session of Congress to reduce tax measures levied against minimum wage workers.

As expected, labor groups rejected the labor package presented by President Arroyo. They are not impressed with the housing, health and education benefits promised by the President. For many years, they have been demanding a wage increase. President Arroyo, a UP-trained economist, will certainly not yield to that request.

We have been honoring overseas workers for their monthly remittances which keep the economy afloat. We have pinpointed the vulnerabilities of migrant workers. We decry the abuses against our domestic helpers. But we seem to have overlooked the sad plight of our local workers. They who have to grapple with rising cost of living, deteriorating peace and order, worsening environmental pollution and uninspiring leaders are condemned to destituteness. Workers who have chosen to remain or unable to leave the country are the heroes we need to acknowledge for their real contributions to society. Unfortunately, we recognize their heroism by ignoring their basic needs.

posted by: mongpalatino at January 12, 2008 15:46 | link | comments (1) |
workers

Filipinos need affordable medicine

Yehey pictures: click here and here.

The cost of medicines in the Philippines is among the highest in the world. A study shows that it would take a full six days of wages for an average worker to purchase basic medicines in the country. There are more than 17,000 registered drugs in the local market, but a majority of the population can barely afford these expensive essential drugs.

Lawmakers are bewildered why Norvasc, a medicine for hypertension, is sold in the Philippines by a multinational pharmaceutical company for 41.41 pesos (US$1) per 5-mg tablet; while in India and Pakistan, the same drug manufactured by the same company is priced at around 5.77 pesos (US$.14).

Plendil, also for hypertension, is priced in the Philippines at 21.82 pesos (US$.54) per tablet while it costs only 2.69 pesos (US$.07) in India. A Ventolin inhaler for asthma patients is sold for 315.00 pesos (nearly US$8) in the local market while in India it costs only 126.78 pesos (US$3).

Other medicines also show the same disparity. Ponstan, a common painkiller, costs only 3.22 pesos (US$.08) in India but costs 24.92 pesos (US$.60) per pill in the Philippines. Bactrim 400, priced at 17.75 pesos (US$.40) per tablet in the Philippines, can be bought for only 1 peso (US$.02) in Pakistan and 0.69 centavos in India (less than US$.01).

Why are medicines so expensive in a poor country like the Philippines?

A few big foreign pharmaceutical companies control the local drug market. More than 70 percent of local drug trading is dominated by transnational corporations. Since there is no competition, drug firms are dictating the prices of medicines for as much as the market can bear. The Intellectual Property Code is used by the dominant pharmaceutical companies to block efforts of local companies and even by the government to manufacture and import patented drugs.

Wholesale drug distribution in the country is dominated by one company. The people are helpless if the company decides to raise drug prices in its more than 600 outlets throughout the country. Government-subsidized drug kiosks are very few and remain inaccessible in most provinces.

The Generics Law of 1988 is a big disappointment. Only 5 percent of drugs sold in the country are generic. Doctors continue to prescribe branded drugs. The Philippine has to study why generics laws have worked so well for other countries in bringing down the cost of medicines.

The local drug industry can only manufacture less than 200 drugs. Most of the raw materials used to produce drugs are imported. There is also no sustained research or government program to develop the medicinal and commercial potential of the country's herbal products.

The issue of costly medicines has been recognized by the government and steps have been taken to reduce drug prices. The government announced its plan to sell affordable drugs in public universities and health centers. The first legislative proposal filed in Congress last July was the Cheaper Medicines Bill.

Senator Mar Roxas explained the urgency of approving this measure:

"The bill seeks to amend the Intellectual Property Code in order to allow the parallel importation of more affordable medicines from abroad; support the generics industry by adopting the 'early working' principle and to disallow the grant of new patents on grounds of 'new use;' and give ample muscle to the government through a framework for government use and compulsory licensing. The substitute bill also reiterates the president's power, patterned after the Price Act, to impose drug price ceilings in times of calamity, public health emergencies, illegal price manipulation and other instances of unreasonable drug price hikes."

Most political parties have vowed to support this bill. The president has also certified it as a priority measure. So far, Congress has not yet approved the final draft of this measure. Is the lobby fund of big drug companies working already?

Perhaps the Cheaper Medicines Bill will finally become law next month. But the two chambers of Congress must first resolve their differences over what regulatory measures to include in the law. There are lawmakers who believe that parallel importation of cheaper drugs cannot substantially lower drug prices in the country. They want to create a drug price regulation board which will be given absolute powers to fix a maximum retail price for medicines. However, senators are worried that a drug price regulation board which is composed of only seven individuals could be influenced by big pharmaceutical companies.

Some activist groups are also not very optimistic that the people will have access to low-cost essential drugs through the Cheaper Medicines Bill. They are frustrated that the proposed bills in Congress do not make any single mention about the need to develop a self-reliant national drug industry that is responsive to the medical and health needs of the people. The Cheaper Medicines Bill is also silent about the control of multinational corporations in the marketing, distribution, and pricing of medicines in the country.

Health advocacy groups are urging the government to tap the medicinal potential of indigenous and herbal plants in the Philippines. They propose that prices of medicines should be regulated based on the production cost and reasonable profit of companies. Tax incentives can be given to local drug manufacturers to ensure production of medicines. A drug price regulatory board is also being proposed; but it should be represented by health stakeholders and the selection process for membership in the board should be independent and transparent.

Many Filipinos are dying because they lack the means to buy the drugs prescribed by doctors. The government is right to prioritize the passage of the Cheaper Medicines Bill. Congress should improve this measure and incorporate the criticisms of various organizations.

Related entries:

Don't get high on drugs
Expensive medicines in the world
Congress goes back to work

posted by: mongpalatino at January 11, 2008 15:15 | link | comments (2) |
health

Politicians already eyeing 2010 polls

posted by: mongpalatino at January 04, 2008 01:12 | link | comments (1) |
nation

Glimpses

Check out my column page in Yehey!

In the Hollywood film “The Family Man,” the character played by Nicolas Cage was given the opportunity to have a “glimpse” of his life if he made a different decision in the past. The character soon realized how his other hypothetical life seemed happier than his real one and immediately regretted the mistakes he committed.

As the year 2007 bids farewell, let us take a “glimpse” of Philippine politics by assuming that the explosive political events of the past year took a different turn. Imagine how the different political scenarios could have affected the national leadership, opposition, and other political forces.

1. Neri decides to confess the whole truth. Former economic planning Secretary Romulo Neri accused Commission on Elections Chairman Benjamin Abalos of offering an indecent bribe in behalf of a Chinese firm. Neri said he was instructed by the president to reject the bribe. Neri refused to divulge the details of his other conversation with President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo regarding the controversial national broadband network project. But imagine if Neri decided to reveal everything about the role of the president in the anomalous project. What if Neri implicated the president in the bribery scandal? What if Neri exposed the real involvement of the president in the hasty approval of the overpriced deal? Would this lead to the overthrow of Arroyo?

2. Abalos answers the ‘Hello Garci’ mystery. What convinced Abalos to resign as Comelec chairman without showing any hint of resentment against his friends in Malacanang? If Arroyo allowed Neri to give a damning testimony against Abalos, why did the latter remain silent over the perceived irregularities in the 2004 and 2007 elections? What if Abalos identified all the politicians who committed electoral fraud? What if Abalos finally answered the enduring questions behind the Hello Garci scandal? What if Abalos persuaded Atty. Lintang Bedol to reveal the real winners in Maguindanao?

3. Erap is not guilty. On September 12, former President Joseph Estrada was found guilty by the Sandiganbayan for plunder. A few weeks after the verdict, Estrada accepted the pardon granted by Arroyo. Imagine if the Sandiganbayan acquitted Estrada. This would have emboldened Estrada and his supporters to step up the campaign to remove Arroyo from power. Estrada might have challenged Arroyo’s legitimacy especially in light of numerous corruption and bribery scandals confronting the government. Instead of conducting medical missions throughout the country, Estrada could have been marshalling the opposition forces and leading protest actions in the streets.

4. Trillanes/Lim coup gets mass support. On November 29, Senator Antonio Trillanes, Brigadier General Danilo Lim and thirty other rebel soldiers from Magdalo stormed the Peninsula Hotel in Makati and demanded the removal of Arroyo as president of the country. But save for some prominent senior citizens, nobody came to support the coup. What if hundreds of thousands of people actually heeded the plea of Trillanes? What if a massive crowd managed to assemble near Peninsula? Would this inspire other soldiers to withdraw support for Arroyo? What could have been the response of other national politicians? If the coup succeeded, who would have composed the civilian-military junta?

5. Arroyo is impeached. A third impeachment bid against Arroyo was launched this year. As expected, the administration-controlled House of Representatives manoeuvred to derail the impeachment process. Imagine if the impeachment miraculously got the endorsement of the Lower House. How long will it take for the opposition-dominated senate to impeach Arroyo?

6. Arroyo steps down. Let’s assume Arroyo resigned her post out of delicadeza. Or she was forcibly removed from Malacanang by a disgruntled public. What if Arroyo’s domestic and foreign backers withdrew their support which forced her to call a presidential snap election? Will the people accept a Noli de Castro presidency? Will Arroyo suffer the same fate of her predecessor? How should we deal with Arroyo’s cronies in the military?

7. House Speaker Jose De Venecia loses his post. What if Kampi politicians succeeded in their unending plot to oust De Venecia as Speaker of the Lower House? Who will replace De Venecia? What will be the response of Lakas lawmakers and former President Fidel Ramos? If the administration coalition is no longer tenable, how could Arroyo survive? Will De Venecia spill the beans against Arroyo?

8. Cash gift giver is identified. Two hundred local politicians received cash gifts inside Malacanang. But only few of them admitted that they benefited from Malacanang’s goodwill measures. Governor Ed Panlilio’s expose was enough to ask President Arroyo about her role in the cash distribution. But the situation would have been more problematic for Arroyo if scores of administration politicians corroborated Panlilio’s testimony. So far, Kampi and the League of Governors admitted that they handed out money to Panlilio and other local politicians. But the public has not been informed about the real involvement of the president in the incident. Things would have been different today if administration politicians confessed in detail what really happened inside Malacanang on that fateful day.

9. The Bishops are silent no more. The Catholic Church hierarchy wields a great influence on Philippine politics. Lately, the powerful bishops have been very selective in advocating certain causes. Rightly or wrongly, the Church used its political clout to oppose reproductive health measures, family planning programs, and laws on gender equality. The Church was praised for defending the welfare of Sumilao farmers and other landless peasants. The Church spoke strongly against corruption, human rights violations and the morally-bankrupt government. But most bishops are still supporting Arroyo’s government. Many of them have refused to call for the president’s resignation despite the numerous moral sins of the government against the people. They seemed content with issuing pastoral statements instead of endorsing and organizing political activities which they accomplished during the two People Power uprisings. Philippine politics would have been more interesting last year if the bishops assumed their historically important role in uniting and inspiring the opposition forces. Dear Bishops, learn from Myanmar’s silent Buddhist monks.

10. Different election results. Many thought and hoped that De Venecia would lose in the recent elections. But what if he really failed in his re-election bid? There would have been no squabbling for the speakership as Kampi would automatically grab the position. It is doubtful whether the young Joey De Venecia would have continued his ZTE expose since he has no more powerful backer in the House. There would have been no bogus impeachment case which was filed to undermine the threat posed by Speaker De Venecia.

If Ed Panlilio lost in the elections, the public would not be informed of the cash distribution in Malacanang. If Trillanes lost in the senatorial race, would he still lead another mutiny against Arroyo? If Makati Mayor Jejomar Binay lost to Senator Lito Lapid, would the “five star rebels” still choose the Peninsula Hotel? Maybe they would have preferred the Manila Hotel.

Do you think showbiz news would have been more intriguing if Sam Milby and Piolo Pascual admitted their real relationship? Will Marimar still achieve 50-plus percentage in TV ratings if Angel Locsin, and not Marian Rivera, agreed to play the lead role?

What if other witnesses surfaced and narrated what happened to hazing victim Chris Mendez?

As we grow old, we regret the other choices we failed to take. As the elders always remind us, “nasa huli lagi ang pagsisisi.” In politics, regretting can become useful to individuals. The choices we made become part of history and the other choices we ignored can still become a reality in the future.

Related entries:

Neri and Karina
One island Philippines
Newsmakers of the year
In other words
Divine interventions

posted by: mongpalatino at January 02, 2008 23:21 | link | comments |
nation